David Hinds and history
June 19, 2009 | By knews | Filed Under Letters
Dear Editor,
David Hinds, a trained political scientist, displays a particular narrative of Guyana and its recent political history that is alarmingly shallow and downright deceptive. (Letters to Kaieteur News, June 5 and SN, June 6).
In arguing that the PPP should apologise to Guyanese, in response to my recent article in the Mirror and Chronicle on the subject of a PNC apology, facts which do not fit into his narrative are conveniently ignored in order to maintain his warped version of history that the PPP is responsible for ethnic/political divisions in Guyana.
Let’s just take one such fact. He accuses the PPP of turning its back on ethnic unity by abandoning the Patriotic Coalition for Democracy (PCD) in 1992. Prior to those landmark elections, discussions broke down within the PCD as to who should be, or from whence should come, the presidential candidate.
The PPP then decided to field its own candidate and list. Notwithstanding, the PPP invited Professor Clive Thomas to be Cheddi Jagan’s running mate. The WPA, Dr. Hinds’s party, rejected the offer and, further, rejected Cheddi Jagan as a presidential candidate. Thereafter the PPP approached the GUARD Movement and Sam Hinds was asked. The question is, why in his diatribe against the PPP, he completely ignores this history and the potential of a Clive Thomas Prime Ministership and what a PPP/WPA alliance would have meant for the future of Guyana.
Dr. Hinds teases out of the historic woodwork a haphazard patchwork of obscure or unknown events. The “offer” of the “communist” Cheddi Jagan’s to Mr. Eusi Kwayana, then Sydney King, of the chairmanship of the Party, while accompanied by a “capitalist,” clearly of Indian ancestry, is one of Dr. Hinds’s offerings. The PPP at that time was not a “communist” party but a broad alliance with across the board ideological persuasions. But Kwayana was still in the Party in April, 1957, with these “capitalist” or “bourgeois” types when he issued a strong statement against Burnham. This was long after the Party Congress in September 1956 when the chairmanship issue arose and which Jagan explains differently. He did not leave with the Carters and Westmaas in 1956.
But most startling is Dr. Hinds’s twist to a Burnham ruse of trying to break the solidarity of the PPP African leadership by proposing Kwayana as the “compromise” candidate. Hinds said that Mr. Kwayana “turned down the position of leader and the opportunity to become Premier in 1953 so that Jagan could prevail.” Whether or not Kwayana would have obtained across the board support, he was a committed leader of the left and would not have, and did not allow himself, to be baited. Dr. Hinds fails to give credit to Kwayana for his principled leadership and integrity and seeks to personalise the issue as between Jagan and Kwayana.
In any case these anecdotes and circumstances in the cut and thrust of politics, though probably important at a personal level and weave into the broader historical tapestry, are converted by Dr. Hinds into substantive historical data which are poured into his paradigmatic framework, with a heavy dose of polemical bile and, hey presto, out pops the PPP, ethnically driven. Dr Hinds seeks to “prove” that although Jagan “owed” Kwayana, he displayed ingratitude to him and thus initiated ethnic divisions. The truth is that it was not until 1957 that Kwayana fell out with the PPP. The general elections of that year, in which the PPP and PNC squared off against each other for the first time, were for that reason and not surprisingly, the first ethnically divisive elections in Guyana; and that’s where it started, not when Keith Carter was expelled and Martin Carter and others followed him out of the PPP in 1956. Space does not permit me to deal with more of the arguments that Dr. Hinds’s deployed to “prove” his case. Many have been answered in the past. But the most glaring omission is the PPP’s proposal in 1977 for a National Patriotic Front Government as a means to end ethnic/political divisions.
I believe that academics have a duty to be accurate and thorough and try to avoid using anecdotal history or flawed analyses to defend, promulgate and sustain prejudices. This is the minimum standard we should observe in this month of June, the 29th Anniversary of the assassination of Walter Rodney, Guyana’s revered son, historian and partisan of a united working people, who collaborated closely with the PPP in his lifetime and was as fully acquainted with its history as Dr. Hinds. He would have been appalled at Dr. Hinds’s conclusion that from the 1950s “the PPP has proved to be the ultimate barrier to ethnic unity and nationhood in Guyana.”
There is no way that a person of Dr. Rodney’s political integrity would have associated with a Party such as the PPP in the 1970s, had he subscribed to Dr. Hinds’s conclusions.
Guyana is a society with large minorities and, like most such societies, it faces political/ ethnic problems that are difficult and can even be intractable. They require enlightened, fair and constructive analysis. Dr. Hinds unfortunately prefers a subjective, tendentious and accusatory approach that seeks to sustain one side of a narrative of historical guilt that adds nothing to serious debate in Guyana.
Ralph Ramkarran
Friday, June 19, 2009
Did make submissions on democracy in a multiethnic society during ministerial tenure
Did make submissions on democracy in a multiethnic society during ministerial tenure
Posted By Stabroek staff On June 18, 2009 @ 5:02 am In Letters | 9 Comments
Dear Editor,
In his contribution, ‘Guyana can do better in the longer term than living off the IMF/WB welfare system’ (SN 9.6.09), Emile Mervin requested that I comment on a few issues which apparently arose from his reading of my presentation ‘If our leaders are to be blamed…’ (SN 8.6.09). Space will not allow me to deal with all issues today but in time I will no doubt comment on most of them. Responding to my contention that the very nature of multiethnic societies serves as a humbug to development, he enquired if I “ever advocated recommendations for making the conditions favourable during [my] tenure as a cabinet minister in the PPP/Civic administration from 1992 until January this year, and what these might look like if [I would] care to share.”
What follows is one of a few contributions I made in 2002, which was intended for internal circulation but was obtained and at the time, reported on by some sections of the media. Please note that I lay no claim to originality and my thoughts may have evolved somewhat since 2002. Nonetheless, I believe that the general thrust of the paper is still relevant so I present it here in a similar form, the latter of which was dictated by the fact that busy people did/do not, usually, have the time to read lengthy documents.
“Establishing Normal Politics in Guyana
“Background
For more than half a century the political process in Guyana has operated sub-optimally.
The period to 1964 was wasted in a geopolitical confrontation which removed the PPP from government.
1964 to 1992 saw the establishment of a more or less dictatorial regime.
1992 to date has seen a governance mechanism that a significant number of citizens view with suspicion but see as irremovable.
For at least half a century normal politics has not existed in Guyana.
“The Meaning of Normal Politics
Normal politics exists where political interplay takes place according to the rules and traditions of established democracies and where political parties win and hold power without reference to existing fractures in the society.
It requires, inter alia, respect for the rule of law, open multi-party elections and freedom of expression and assembly.
However, very importantly, normal politics does not exist where (for whatever reason) political competition is absent.
Political competition only exists where it is perceived that the incumbent can be defeated.
As such, although events since the PPP/C’s victory in 1992 have improved democratic participation, in a sense, the PPP/C is in a similar position to that of the pre-1992 PNC and vice versa. For geopolitical reasons the PNC was allowed to maintain a dictatorial grip on power. Largely for ethnic reasons, the PPP/C is view as being permanently in office.
Please note that in terms of the reaction to perceived political illegitimacies, partisan political actions have also not been dissimilar.
Depending upon its severity, abnormality detracts from democracy. At its most severe it is dictatorship.
“Some Consequences of Abnormal Politics
Without normal politics, development will be difficult in societies purporting to be democracies.
Government in these conditions operates like a business that does not have to make a profit: there is no seminal check on its competence and/or insensitivity; i.e. no bottom line and furious shareholders. This will ultimately lead to underdevelopment/liquidation.
Depending upon its severity, abnormal politics leads to calls for various forms of executive power sharing and to subversive political behaviour.
The vast majority of PNC/ R leaders and members believe that the present democratic process is abnormal.
This has given rise to an accommodation in the PNC/R between those who seek power sharing and the few who believe in normal politics.
The majority believes that it is only by various forms of disruption that they can influence the PPP/C towards some form of power sharing.
This periodically results in violence but has, inevitably, led to a permanent state of tension in the society.
By my definition, power sharing is the institutionalization of abnormality to create a workable political system.
Most PPP/C supporters believe that the immediate motive of the PNC/R is to take political power either by disruptive measures or/and by causing economic stagnation and decline.
The latter view fails to grasp the current national and geopolitical reality of democracy.
It also fails to appreciate the overwhelming evidence that political competition is as fierce at any level of development. Indeed, poverty is conservative!! Whether the PNC/R recognizes it or not, poor conditions put it at a disadvantage.
Abnormal politics is unacceptable and unworkable.
“The Establishment of Normal Politics
“If normal politics is to be established in Guyana, we must radically reassess our view of the political process. We must:
Be prepared to help establish and work a political system with a higher possibility of our losing government. (The PNC/R will also need to creatively reform its structure and may then find it easier to reform its behaviour).
Allow the vast majority of PNC/R members/supporters to believe that we can lose government through the normal democratic process.
Significantly increase parliamentary status to give individual opposition members a stake in the process by providing better emoluments, funds for constituent work, better protocol status and access to public media, etc.
Act visibly fairly. Justice must be seen to be done. Establish and operationalise arrangements such as the Race Relations Commission and other tie-breaking mechanisms.
Even if frustrating, stick scrupulously to the rule of law.
“Conclusion
“The establishment of a workable political system is critical to our development. In my view, power sharing is the less desirable alternative at this stage. However, if, as a result of negligence or impracticability, normal politics is not urgently established power sharing remains an alternative. To establish normal politics requires a paradigmatic shift in our political thinking. It will not be easy to convince persons seasoned in the extant political culture of the necessity for change. There will be a tendency to want to adopt some but not all of the above measures. This is fine once we understand that success depends upon our willingness to create a truly competitive political environment.”
Yours faithfully,
Henry B Jeffrey
9 Comments (Open | Close)
9 Comments To "Did make submissions on democracy in a multiethnic society during ministerial tenure"
#1 Comment By cohore On June 18, 2009 @ 7:36 am
Here goes Henry the opportunist with his academic gobbledygook again! Henry what is your position on the PPP’s criminality viz a viz its connection to Roger Khan and other drugh lords? It’s alleged connection to death squads and the murder of over 400 humans? What are your thoughts on the rampant corruption and squandering of taxpayers money in the CLICO, NIS and NBS fiascoes? Henry, your opportunism is palpable but we have had enough of you.
#2 Comment By mBlair On June 18, 2009 @ 10:02 am
Outside of the ring, it is easy to see the match; and hindsight is 20/20. Nevertheless, I rather like the recommendations on the the establishment of normal politics.
“… radically reassess the political process by:
(1) helping to establish and work a political system with a higher possibility of losing government [to a similarly reformed minority];
(2) allowing the vast majority of [minority] members/supporters to believe that [power can be lost] through the normal democratic process;
(3) significantly increasing parliamentary status to give individual [minority] members a stake in the process by providing better emoluments, funds for constituent work, better protocol status and access to public media, etc;
(4) acting visibly fairly [as] justice must be seen to be done;
(5) establishing arrangements such as the Race Relations Commission and other tie-breaking mechanisms; and
(6) even if frustrating, sticking scrupulously to the rule of law.”
Three questions present themselves. How many of the six recommendations have been evidently accomplished? Specifically how can the rest be; and what is the evidence showing the lack thereof?
Interesting paper.
#3 Comment By Evan Thomas On June 18, 2009 @ 10:59 am
I think he as admitted that the government he was a part of did practice abnorman politics of which the issues you likted are the results.
#4 Comment By Brandon Samaroo (What has the PPP done for us in 17 years?) On June 18, 2009 @ 11:34 am
Jeffrey answer the question emile posed what have you done personally to influence the PPP to embrace democracy?
Why has the PPP embraced all the tools of the Burnhame dictatorship and not revoked one since taking power?
Tell us man, stop wid dese essays spit the truth out.
#5 Comment By B. Thomas On June 18, 2009 @ 12:58 pm
cohore you are so right, Henry starts off his essay, being very passive towards the PPP (never bite the hand that feeds you) and condeming the PNC’s “1964 to 1992 saw the establishment of a more or less dictatorial regime’ but the PPP’s “1992 to date has seen a governance mechanism that a significant number of citizens view with suspicion but see as irremovable” come on Henry, call a spade a spade. That a significant number of citezens see as corrupt, racial, incompentent, visionless and with no respect to the rule of law and democratic institutions. He then suggests that the PPP fool the population and the PNC by allowing them to believe they can win (don’t give them anything, but let them think you are, bribe their representatives with a little money and status. Even though I support these measures to ensure a workable system, I beleve his motives are not sincere) Henry then gets bold and let the cat out the bag, he admolishes the PPP to “Act visibly fairly” and “Even if frustrating, stick scrupulously to the rule of law”, Which the PPP has never done.
#6 Comment By Georgie On June 18, 2009 @ 1:15 pm
Cochore ! Tough questions for Mr. Jeffrey. I bet he will sidestep them.
#7 Comment By Cochore On June 18, 2009 @ 2:54 pm
Hey dude, nice try but lik ya trying fuh teff mah good name hey smarty or wha… ah gan gaf fuh ask fuh a lil royalty fuh dah bannas. The spelling and all is cool and cute but I don’t want folks to think that it’s me when it might be you or vice versa.
Somehow, I got a sneaking suspicion that this is the handy works of Tannanssee the 3lb Conundrum. Only the other day he was trying to tell me that the name Cochore, actually means Co-thief in one of the Hindu dialects.
Anyway Cohore my friend, in terms of the pure content of your post here, I stand shoulder to shoulder with you about this Henry Jeffrey dude. Just imagine Bannas, he only finally realize that most ideologues are inflexible creatures (ya gat to first believe without questioning) regardless of the discipline of their expertise.
Henry Jeffrey’s problem is that he incrementally grew tired of drinking from the chalice of outdated and irrelevant beliefs and economic theories for nation building. This is 2009 where the world has changed to a global economy, leaving the PPP ideologues with their 30’s and 40’s failed theories and thinking.
#8 Comment By tkhemraj On June 18, 2009 @ 4:47 pm
This is such a circuitous and frustrating essay Jeffrey. He pointed out the problem which is the ethnic nature of politics yet he wobbles on the need for power sharing. Surely Jeffrey knows about the work of Arend Lijphart and Timothy Sisk on the type of governance model needed in an ethnically bi-communal society as Guyana. Guyana has a highly filtered democracy in which 15 individuals, in the name of democratic centralism, selects the people who will be President and Members of Parliament. These individuals are then presented to the electorate and one ethnic group, with a numerical majority, succeeds in picking the filtered list. From the party constitution that espouses democratic centralism these selected individuals then move to the national level armed with the tinkered 1980 Burnham constitution. That’s the problem and it cannot continue forever!
#9 Comment By WRodney On June 18, 2009 @ 7:18 pm
Well the PPP having a BALL with Burnham paper, No need for a new
Constitution!!! No need for a new power structure, things just PEACHY !!!!
Article printed from Stabroek News: http://www.stabroeknews.com
URL to article: http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/letters/06/18/48974/
Posted By Stabroek staff On June 18, 2009 @ 5:02 am In Letters | 9 Comments
Dear Editor,
In his contribution, ‘Guyana can do better in the longer term than living off the IMF/WB welfare system’ (SN 9.6.09), Emile Mervin requested that I comment on a few issues which apparently arose from his reading of my presentation ‘If our leaders are to be blamed…’ (SN 8.6.09). Space will not allow me to deal with all issues today but in time I will no doubt comment on most of them. Responding to my contention that the very nature of multiethnic societies serves as a humbug to development, he enquired if I “ever advocated recommendations for making the conditions favourable during [my] tenure as a cabinet minister in the PPP/Civic administration from 1992 until January this year, and what these might look like if [I would] care to share.”
What follows is one of a few contributions I made in 2002, which was intended for internal circulation but was obtained and at the time, reported on by some sections of the media. Please note that I lay no claim to originality and my thoughts may have evolved somewhat since 2002. Nonetheless, I believe that the general thrust of the paper is still relevant so I present it here in a similar form, the latter of which was dictated by the fact that busy people did/do not, usually, have the time to read lengthy documents.
“Establishing Normal Politics in Guyana
“Background
For more than half a century the political process in Guyana has operated sub-optimally.
The period to 1964 was wasted in a geopolitical confrontation which removed the PPP from government.
1964 to 1992 saw the establishment of a more or less dictatorial regime.
1992 to date has seen a governance mechanism that a significant number of citizens view with suspicion but see as irremovable.
For at least half a century normal politics has not existed in Guyana.
“The Meaning of Normal Politics
Normal politics exists where political interplay takes place according to the rules and traditions of established democracies and where political parties win and hold power without reference to existing fractures in the society.
It requires, inter alia, respect for the rule of law, open multi-party elections and freedom of expression and assembly.
However, very importantly, normal politics does not exist where (for whatever reason) political competition is absent.
Political competition only exists where it is perceived that the incumbent can be defeated.
As such, although events since the PPP/C’s victory in 1992 have improved democratic participation, in a sense, the PPP/C is in a similar position to that of the pre-1992 PNC and vice versa. For geopolitical reasons the PNC was allowed to maintain a dictatorial grip on power. Largely for ethnic reasons, the PPP/C is view as being permanently in office.
Please note that in terms of the reaction to perceived political illegitimacies, partisan political actions have also not been dissimilar.
Depending upon its severity, abnormality detracts from democracy. At its most severe it is dictatorship.
“Some Consequences of Abnormal Politics
Without normal politics, development will be difficult in societies purporting to be democracies.
Government in these conditions operates like a business that does not have to make a profit: there is no seminal check on its competence and/or insensitivity; i.e. no bottom line and furious shareholders. This will ultimately lead to underdevelopment/liquidation.
Depending upon its severity, abnormal politics leads to calls for various forms of executive power sharing and to subversive political behaviour.
The vast majority of PNC/ R leaders and members believe that the present democratic process is abnormal.
This has given rise to an accommodation in the PNC/R between those who seek power sharing and the few who believe in normal politics.
The majority believes that it is only by various forms of disruption that they can influence the PPP/C towards some form of power sharing.
This periodically results in violence but has, inevitably, led to a permanent state of tension in the society.
By my definition, power sharing is the institutionalization of abnormality to create a workable political system.
Most PPP/C supporters believe that the immediate motive of the PNC/R is to take political power either by disruptive measures or/and by causing economic stagnation and decline.
The latter view fails to grasp the current national and geopolitical reality of democracy.
It also fails to appreciate the overwhelming evidence that political competition is as fierce at any level of development. Indeed, poverty is conservative!! Whether the PNC/R recognizes it or not, poor conditions put it at a disadvantage.
Abnormal politics is unacceptable and unworkable.
“The Establishment of Normal Politics
“If normal politics is to be established in Guyana, we must radically reassess our view of the political process. We must:
Be prepared to help establish and work a political system with a higher possibility of our losing government. (The PNC/R will also need to creatively reform its structure and may then find it easier to reform its behaviour).
Allow the vast majority of PNC/R members/supporters to believe that we can lose government through the normal democratic process.
Significantly increase parliamentary status to give individual opposition members a stake in the process by providing better emoluments, funds for constituent work, better protocol status and access to public media, etc.
Act visibly fairly. Justice must be seen to be done. Establish and operationalise arrangements such as the Race Relations Commission and other tie-breaking mechanisms.
Even if frustrating, stick scrupulously to the rule of law.
“Conclusion
“The establishment of a workable political system is critical to our development. In my view, power sharing is the less desirable alternative at this stage. However, if, as a result of negligence or impracticability, normal politics is not urgently established power sharing remains an alternative. To establish normal politics requires a paradigmatic shift in our political thinking. It will not be easy to convince persons seasoned in the extant political culture of the necessity for change. There will be a tendency to want to adopt some but not all of the above measures. This is fine once we understand that success depends upon our willingness to create a truly competitive political environment.”
Yours faithfully,
Henry B Jeffrey
9 Comments (Open | Close)
9 Comments To "Did make submissions on democracy in a multiethnic society during ministerial tenure"
#1 Comment By cohore On June 18, 2009 @ 7:36 am
Here goes Henry the opportunist with his academic gobbledygook again! Henry what is your position on the PPP’s criminality viz a viz its connection to Roger Khan and other drugh lords? It’s alleged connection to death squads and the murder of over 400 humans? What are your thoughts on the rampant corruption and squandering of taxpayers money in the CLICO, NIS and NBS fiascoes? Henry, your opportunism is palpable but we have had enough of you.
#2 Comment By mBlair On June 18, 2009 @ 10:02 am
Outside of the ring, it is easy to see the match; and hindsight is 20/20. Nevertheless, I rather like the recommendations on the the establishment of normal politics.
“… radically reassess the political process by:
(1) helping to establish and work a political system with a higher possibility of losing government [to a similarly reformed minority];
(2) allowing the vast majority of [minority] members/supporters to believe that [power can be lost] through the normal democratic process;
(3) significantly increasing parliamentary status to give individual [minority] members a stake in the process by providing better emoluments, funds for constituent work, better protocol status and access to public media, etc;
(4) acting visibly fairly [as] justice must be seen to be done;
(5) establishing arrangements such as the Race Relations Commission and other tie-breaking mechanisms; and
(6) even if frustrating, sticking scrupulously to the rule of law.”
Three questions present themselves. How many of the six recommendations have been evidently accomplished? Specifically how can the rest be; and what is the evidence showing the lack thereof?
Interesting paper.
#3 Comment By Evan Thomas On June 18, 2009 @ 10:59 am
I think he as admitted that the government he was a part of did practice abnorman politics of which the issues you likted are the results.
#4 Comment By Brandon Samaroo (What has the PPP done for us in 17 years?) On June 18, 2009 @ 11:34 am
Jeffrey answer the question emile posed what have you done personally to influence the PPP to embrace democracy?
Why has the PPP embraced all the tools of the Burnhame dictatorship and not revoked one since taking power?
Tell us man, stop wid dese essays spit the truth out.
#5 Comment By B. Thomas On June 18, 2009 @ 12:58 pm
cohore you are so right, Henry starts off his essay, being very passive towards the PPP (never bite the hand that feeds you) and condeming the PNC’s “1964 to 1992 saw the establishment of a more or less dictatorial regime’ but the PPP’s “1992 to date has seen a governance mechanism that a significant number of citizens view with suspicion but see as irremovable” come on Henry, call a spade a spade. That a significant number of citezens see as corrupt, racial, incompentent, visionless and with no respect to the rule of law and democratic institutions. He then suggests that the PPP fool the population and the PNC by allowing them to believe they can win (don’t give them anything, but let them think you are, bribe their representatives with a little money and status. Even though I support these measures to ensure a workable system, I beleve his motives are not sincere) Henry then gets bold and let the cat out the bag, he admolishes the PPP to “Act visibly fairly” and “Even if frustrating, stick scrupulously to the rule of law”, Which the PPP has never done.
#6 Comment By Georgie On June 18, 2009 @ 1:15 pm
Cochore ! Tough questions for Mr. Jeffrey. I bet he will sidestep them.
#7 Comment By Cochore On June 18, 2009 @ 2:54 pm
Hey dude, nice try but lik ya trying fuh teff mah good name hey smarty or wha… ah gan gaf fuh ask fuh a lil royalty fuh dah bannas. The spelling and all is cool and cute but I don’t want folks to think that it’s me when it might be you or vice versa.
Somehow, I got a sneaking suspicion that this is the handy works of Tannanssee the 3lb Conundrum. Only the other day he was trying to tell me that the name Cochore, actually means Co-thief in one of the Hindu dialects.
Anyway Cohore my friend, in terms of the pure content of your post here, I stand shoulder to shoulder with you about this Henry Jeffrey dude. Just imagine Bannas, he only finally realize that most ideologues are inflexible creatures (ya gat to first believe without questioning) regardless of the discipline of their expertise.
Henry Jeffrey’s problem is that he incrementally grew tired of drinking from the chalice of outdated and irrelevant beliefs and economic theories for nation building. This is 2009 where the world has changed to a global economy, leaving the PPP ideologues with their 30’s and 40’s failed theories and thinking.
#8 Comment By tkhemraj On June 18, 2009 @ 4:47 pm
This is such a circuitous and frustrating essay Jeffrey. He pointed out the problem which is the ethnic nature of politics yet he wobbles on the need for power sharing. Surely Jeffrey knows about the work of Arend Lijphart and Timothy Sisk on the type of governance model needed in an ethnically bi-communal society as Guyana. Guyana has a highly filtered democracy in which 15 individuals, in the name of democratic centralism, selects the people who will be President and Members of Parliament. These individuals are then presented to the electorate and one ethnic group, with a numerical majority, succeeds in picking the filtered list. From the party constitution that espouses democratic centralism these selected individuals then move to the national level armed with the tinkered 1980 Burnham constitution. That’s the problem and it cannot continue forever!
#9 Comment By WRodney On June 18, 2009 @ 7:18 pm
Well the PPP having a BALL with Burnham paper, No need for a new
Constitution!!! No need for a new power structure, things just PEACHY !!!!
Article printed from Stabroek News: http://www.stabroeknews.com
URL to article: http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/letters/06/18/48974/
No published accounts of evidence of communist funding for PPP prior to 1969
No published accounts of evidence of communist funding for PPP prior to 1969
Posted By Stabroek staff On June 19, 2009 @ 5:04 am In Letters | 3 Comments
Dear Editor,
Indeed, in an earlier letter, I did not name the parties that sought funds from the CIA for its destabilisation campaign against the PPP, but that does not mean that I am not willing to name them.
Mr Nazir’s historical beliefs (‘Guyana Revue article on Janet Jagan was instructive’ SN,17.6.2009) cements my views of the guinea pig nature of our politicians and what a high cost they are to Guyanese. Mr Nazir can hold onto his historical beliefs, but I will nevertheless refer him to page 130 of Stephen G Rabe’s 2005 book, US Intervention in British Guiana, a cold war story, which makes exhaustive use of all declassified documents on Guyana as well as the private archives not researched before to draw conclusions. I quote for easy reference:
“The CIA settled on Jai Narine Singh and Balram Singh Rai to lead the new Justice Party. Jai Narine Singh asked the United States for $75000 a month in campaign expenses to be deposited in the Royal Bank of Canada. In conjunction with the British, the CIA also helped create a political party for Muslims, the Guiana United Muslim Party or GUMP led by Hoosein Ganie.” The original source of the information is the Memorandum of conversation between Jai Narine Singh and William B Cobb of the US State Department dated June 16, 1964 as well as the minute of the meeting of the Colonial Office (POL 19 BR GU, DSR, NU) with Duncan Sandys on the new political parties in British Guiana, dated February 25, 1964.
Nazir’s statement “as far as I am aware” can be construed to be either that Mr Nazir has limited awareness or that he is hoping that the declassified CIA documents are all that there is to historical accounts of what happened in Guyana. There are numerous other archives if you are determined enough to find information.
There have been no published accounts of evidence of communist funding for British Guiana or the PPP until after 1969.
The accusations of funding were all part of the destabilisation plot with no evidence to back it up. Cheddi Jagan in 1969 joined the international Communist Party because he said he felt cheated by the British. Thereafter, the PPP transformation into a rigid communist party began. If Mr Nazir is willing to provide the funding, I will take a trip to the Soviet archives to search out any links of funding for the PPP pre-1969. Casting aspersions comes easily to us.
We use words like “were believed to have enjoyed” to suggest relationships, which may never have existed or which we cannot prove. The animal that the PPP became post-1969 is another story of equal interest.
No one can deny that Balram Singh Rai was cheated by Dr Jagan and the PPP. The closest explanation that seems to fit the scene of what happened was given by Rakesh Rampertab in 2005 and fits within Ernst Halperin’s (1965) investigations. Halperin found that Rai, then the Home Affairs Minister and a very respected member of the Indian community, had been elected chairman of the PPP in 1962, but Dr Jagan declared the results of that election null and void and forced through the re-election of Brindley Benn as the chairman of the PPP at special meeting packed with reliable Jagan supporters.
It is no wonder that Donald Ramotar could not find any evidence of rigging. There was none. It was the hijacking of the process. Jagan acted in the manner he did because of the loss of Sydney King and Rory Westmaas earlier due to ideological differences (all of them communist to different degrees) and the potential effect of the loss of these prominent Blacks (after the split with Burnham) on the elections results. While not a racist at heart, Dr Jagan, according to Halperin (1965), switched over to a policy of racism and appointed prominent Blacks to his cabinet.
Halperin said Dr Jagan had a difficult time getting the Indians to accept Benn’s chairmanship of the party and Mrs Jagan called a meeting of the pandits to get them to support the party in return for a promise of policy of support for Indians. This is no doubt how the demonization of Blacks took place – in the struggle for power and as a vehicle of Apan Jhaat. My father told me that Blacks were ‘Ravanas’ (the demonic race whom Lord Rama fought against). This, he obviously got from the pandits campaigning for the PPP, as my father at the time, was not considered religious much less spiritual. Rai, an Arya Samaj, resigned from the PPP in disgust. One would have expected that if Jagan desired a multi-racial party, as he very well may have, he could have counselled Rai in this direction. But it appears that the relationship between Jagan and Rai was not without its own dynamics and friction, and indeed a larger force may have been at work.
Now onto Mr Nazir’s grouse on the caste system in Guyana. Logic will tell you that what operates in Guyana is a class system and not a caste system.
The Indians who came to Guyana were forced on their voyages to eat from the same utensils and use the same facilities.
This is unheard of in the caste system in India. The voyage to Guyana was the beginning of the breakdown of the caste system for Indians in Guyana.
Their lives in crowded logies went a step further, as did their lives as plantation labourers with no distinction. But what went one step further in some cases was the intermarriage between Indians and Blacks.
There remained no caste system to speak about after all of this. For more information on this, read the work of retired Professor Raymond T Smith who studied Guyana; Halperin and others.
The only remnants that were brought forward into modern Guyana was that of the Bramhins being seen as the only ones with a divine right to read the scriptures, and even this is being overturned on its head.
The wide support for Prakash Gossai is a testament to this. I have not read the work of Dr Kean Gibson but I intend to when I have the time.
The dynamics of Guyana have been such that one can easily mix the injustices of the class system with those of a highly negative caste system.
All things white being of superior value and all things Black being of very low value was replaced in British Guiana with a struggle for representation and clashes between two dominant ethnic groups.
The causes of these clashes were never the caste system, as this was basically stillborn. Politics empowered the races to feel better about themselves, but the reason for the disquiet among the two major ethnic groups, in the words of the Waddington Commission Report, was when Indians, earlier apathetic about Guyanese politics, began to “compete for positions which they had not hitherto sought.” This, the report says, “stimulated the other races into closing their ranks” (Halperin, 1965).
Yours faithfully,
Gitanjali Persaud
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Posted By Stabroek staff On June 19, 2009 @ 5:04 am In Letters | 3 Comments
Dear Editor,
Indeed, in an earlier letter, I did not name the parties that sought funds from the CIA for its destabilisation campaign against the PPP, but that does not mean that I am not willing to name them.
Mr Nazir’s historical beliefs (‘Guyana Revue article on Janet Jagan was instructive’ SN,17.6.2009) cements my views of the guinea pig nature of our politicians and what a high cost they are to Guyanese. Mr Nazir can hold onto his historical beliefs, but I will nevertheless refer him to page 130 of Stephen G Rabe’s 2005 book, US Intervention in British Guiana, a cold war story, which makes exhaustive use of all declassified documents on Guyana as well as the private archives not researched before to draw conclusions. I quote for easy reference:
“The CIA settled on Jai Narine Singh and Balram Singh Rai to lead the new Justice Party. Jai Narine Singh asked the United States for $75000 a month in campaign expenses to be deposited in the Royal Bank of Canada. In conjunction with the British, the CIA also helped create a political party for Muslims, the Guiana United Muslim Party or GUMP led by Hoosein Ganie.” The original source of the information is the Memorandum of conversation between Jai Narine Singh and William B Cobb of the US State Department dated June 16, 1964 as well as the minute of the meeting of the Colonial Office (POL 19 BR GU, DSR, NU) with Duncan Sandys on the new political parties in British Guiana, dated February 25, 1964.
Nazir’s statement “as far as I am aware” can be construed to be either that Mr Nazir has limited awareness or that he is hoping that the declassified CIA documents are all that there is to historical accounts of what happened in Guyana. There are numerous other archives if you are determined enough to find information.
There have been no published accounts of evidence of communist funding for British Guiana or the PPP until after 1969.
The accusations of funding were all part of the destabilisation plot with no evidence to back it up. Cheddi Jagan in 1969 joined the international Communist Party because he said he felt cheated by the British. Thereafter, the PPP transformation into a rigid communist party began. If Mr Nazir is willing to provide the funding, I will take a trip to the Soviet archives to search out any links of funding for the PPP pre-1969. Casting aspersions comes easily to us.
We use words like “were believed to have enjoyed” to suggest relationships, which may never have existed or which we cannot prove. The animal that the PPP became post-1969 is another story of equal interest.
No one can deny that Balram Singh Rai was cheated by Dr Jagan and the PPP. The closest explanation that seems to fit the scene of what happened was given by Rakesh Rampertab in 2005 and fits within Ernst Halperin’s (1965) investigations. Halperin found that Rai, then the Home Affairs Minister and a very respected member of the Indian community, had been elected chairman of the PPP in 1962, but Dr Jagan declared the results of that election null and void and forced through the re-election of Brindley Benn as the chairman of the PPP at special meeting packed with reliable Jagan supporters.
It is no wonder that Donald Ramotar could not find any evidence of rigging. There was none. It was the hijacking of the process. Jagan acted in the manner he did because of the loss of Sydney King and Rory Westmaas earlier due to ideological differences (all of them communist to different degrees) and the potential effect of the loss of these prominent Blacks (after the split with Burnham) on the elections results. While not a racist at heart, Dr Jagan, according to Halperin (1965), switched over to a policy of racism and appointed prominent Blacks to his cabinet.
Halperin said Dr Jagan had a difficult time getting the Indians to accept Benn’s chairmanship of the party and Mrs Jagan called a meeting of the pandits to get them to support the party in return for a promise of policy of support for Indians. This is no doubt how the demonization of Blacks took place – in the struggle for power and as a vehicle of Apan Jhaat. My father told me that Blacks were ‘Ravanas’ (the demonic race whom Lord Rama fought against). This, he obviously got from the pandits campaigning for the PPP, as my father at the time, was not considered religious much less spiritual. Rai, an Arya Samaj, resigned from the PPP in disgust. One would have expected that if Jagan desired a multi-racial party, as he very well may have, he could have counselled Rai in this direction. But it appears that the relationship between Jagan and Rai was not without its own dynamics and friction, and indeed a larger force may have been at work.
Now onto Mr Nazir’s grouse on the caste system in Guyana. Logic will tell you that what operates in Guyana is a class system and not a caste system.
The Indians who came to Guyana were forced on their voyages to eat from the same utensils and use the same facilities.
This is unheard of in the caste system in India. The voyage to Guyana was the beginning of the breakdown of the caste system for Indians in Guyana.
Their lives in crowded logies went a step further, as did their lives as plantation labourers with no distinction. But what went one step further in some cases was the intermarriage between Indians and Blacks.
There remained no caste system to speak about after all of this. For more information on this, read the work of retired Professor Raymond T Smith who studied Guyana; Halperin and others.
The only remnants that were brought forward into modern Guyana was that of the Bramhins being seen as the only ones with a divine right to read the scriptures, and even this is being overturned on its head.
The wide support for Prakash Gossai is a testament to this. I have not read the work of Dr Kean Gibson but I intend to when I have the time.
The dynamics of Guyana have been such that one can easily mix the injustices of the class system with those of a highly negative caste system.
All things white being of superior value and all things Black being of very low value was replaced in British Guiana with a struggle for representation and clashes between two dominant ethnic groups.
The causes of these clashes were never the caste system, as this was basically stillborn. Politics empowered the races to feel better about themselves, but the reason for the disquiet among the two major ethnic groups, in the words of the Waddington Commission Report, was when Indians, earlier apathetic about Guyanese politics, began to “compete for positions which they had not hitherto sought.” This, the report says, “stimulated the other races into closing their ranks” (Halperin, 1965).
Yours faithfully,
Gitanjali Persaud
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Article printed from Stabroek News: http://www.stabroeknews.com
URL to article: http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/letters/06/19/no-published-accounts-of-evidence-of-communist-funding-for-ppp-prior-to-1969/
Wednesday, June 17, 2009
The curious employment of former members of the Guyana Police Force
The curious employment of former members of the Guyana Police Force
Posted By Stabroek staff On June 16, 2009 @ 5:01 am In Editorial | 3 Comments
The recent arraignment of ex-policeman Lloyd Roberts and the issuance of a wanted bulletin for another ex-policeman− Sean Belfield, called “Backup” − both in connection with the murder of the father and son whose bodies were found in the Pomeroon River in March are the latest links in a long chain of allegations of felonies involving serving and former policemen.
Public alarm arose over six years ago when the extraordinary relationship existing between the ex-policeman Axel Williams and then Minister of Home Affairs Ronald Gajraj was uncovered. The subsequent Presidential Commission of Inquiry into allegations that the Minister had been engaged in “activities which involved the extra-judicial killing of persons” in 2005 did not receive credible evidence to enable a finding of ministerial involvement in the killings but concluded that Williams was actively involved in certain under-cover activities on Gajraj’s behalf and the “close association” which developed between the two was “unhealthy.”
Axel Williams was killed while performing those curious activities and another ex-policeman − the talkative Mark Thomas known as “Kerzorkee” − met a bizarre demise after he, along with yet another ex-policeman Sean Hinds and civilian Ashton King, were charged with the murder of Shafeek Bacchus in January 2004. The victim was the brother of the informer George Bacchus who first cast light on the criminal underworld of the ‘phantom’ death squads.
Belfield has made headline news before. While still a serving member of the Guyana Police Force in December 2002, he was arrested, along with self-confessed narco-trafficker Shaheed ‘Roger’ Khan and others at Good Hope, East Coast Demerara with electronic equipment weapons and ammunition. Astonishingly, the case against the group was dismissed by magistrate Jerrick Stephney. Lloyd Roberts was also a newsmaker back in June 2006 when the Suriname police arrested him together with Belfield and yet other ex-policemen Paul Rodrigues − again with Roger Khan − and seized 213 kg of cocaine from them.
Rodrigues himself had been in the news earlier when, together with two civilians, he had been arrested in September 2004 by a police search party at a Bel Air business place which seized a quantity of firearms; millions of dollars; female police uniforms; communication equipment, a computer and seven motor vehicles. To the amazement of some, the case against the group was dismissed by magistrate Adrian Thompson.
Following a robbery of miners in the Mazaruni in which a former member of the disbanded Target Special Squad’ was implicated, then Commissioner of Police Winston Felix in December 2005 issued an extraordinary bulletin informing the public that nine ex-policemen − Eustace Abraham (also known as “Robo Cop”); Sean Belfield; Otis Grant; Collis Lindon; Seon Mayers; Eion Smith (also known as “Gangsta”); Paul Rodrigues; Myrven Vaughn; and Sheldon Williams − all of whom had been dismissed or interdicted for various acts of misconduct, were no longer empowered to perform duties as members of the Police Force.
Numerous allegations have been made of the “close association” between ex-policemen and murderous gangsters. The evidence suggests that some ex-policemen had been employed to use their enforcement talents to commit serious crimes, including unlawful killing. The abolition of the Special Squad, which seemed to have degenerated into a training school for some of these suspects, was not sufficient. There must be an investigation into the numerous serious allegations against them.
Policemen who have displayed transgressive conduct while in the Force ought not to be released onto unsuspecting society without surveillance. The recent arrests show that it is delusional to think that rogue cops can be reformed by retirement.
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3 Comments To "The curious employment of former members of the Guyana Police Force"
URL to article: http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/editorial/06/16/the-curious-employment-of-former-members-of-the-guyana-police-force/
Posted By Stabroek staff On June 16, 2009 @ 5:01 am In Editorial | 3 Comments
The recent arraignment of ex-policeman Lloyd Roberts and the issuance of a wanted bulletin for another ex-policeman− Sean Belfield, called “Backup” − both in connection with the murder of the father and son whose bodies were found in the Pomeroon River in March are the latest links in a long chain of allegations of felonies involving serving and former policemen.
Public alarm arose over six years ago when the extraordinary relationship existing between the ex-policeman Axel Williams and then Minister of Home Affairs Ronald Gajraj was uncovered. The subsequent Presidential Commission of Inquiry into allegations that the Minister had been engaged in “activities which involved the extra-judicial killing of persons” in 2005 did not receive credible evidence to enable a finding of ministerial involvement in the killings but concluded that Williams was actively involved in certain under-cover activities on Gajraj’s behalf and the “close association” which developed between the two was “unhealthy.”
Axel Williams was killed while performing those curious activities and another ex-policeman − the talkative Mark Thomas known as “Kerzorkee” − met a bizarre demise after he, along with yet another ex-policeman Sean Hinds and civilian Ashton King, were charged with the murder of Shafeek Bacchus in January 2004. The victim was the brother of the informer George Bacchus who first cast light on the criminal underworld of the ‘phantom’ death squads.
Belfield has made headline news before. While still a serving member of the Guyana Police Force in December 2002, he was arrested, along with self-confessed narco-trafficker Shaheed ‘Roger’ Khan and others at Good Hope, East Coast Demerara with electronic equipment weapons and ammunition. Astonishingly, the case against the group was dismissed by magistrate Jerrick Stephney. Lloyd Roberts was also a newsmaker back in June 2006 when the Suriname police arrested him together with Belfield and yet other ex-policemen Paul Rodrigues − again with Roger Khan − and seized 213 kg of cocaine from them.
Rodrigues himself had been in the news earlier when, together with two civilians, he had been arrested in September 2004 by a police search party at a Bel Air business place which seized a quantity of firearms; millions of dollars; female police uniforms; communication equipment, a computer and seven motor vehicles. To the amazement of some, the case against the group was dismissed by magistrate Adrian Thompson.
Following a robbery of miners in the Mazaruni in which a former member of the disbanded Target Special Squad’ was implicated, then Commissioner of Police Winston Felix in December 2005 issued an extraordinary bulletin informing the public that nine ex-policemen − Eustace Abraham (also known as “Robo Cop”); Sean Belfield; Otis Grant; Collis Lindon; Seon Mayers; Eion Smith (also known as “Gangsta”); Paul Rodrigues; Myrven Vaughn; and Sheldon Williams − all of whom had been dismissed or interdicted for various acts of misconduct, were no longer empowered to perform duties as members of the Police Force.
Numerous allegations have been made of the “close association” between ex-policemen and murderous gangsters. The evidence suggests that some ex-policemen had been employed to use their enforcement talents to commit serious crimes, including unlawful killing. The abolition of the Special Squad, which seemed to have degenerated into a training school for some of these suspects, was not sufficient. There must be an investigation into the numerous serious allegations against them.
Policemen who have displayed transgressive conduct while in the Force ought not to be released onto unsuspecting society without surveillance. The recent arrests show that it is delusional to think that rogue cops can be reformed by retirement.
3 Comments (Open | Close)
3 Comments To "The curious employment of former members of the Guyana Police Force"
URL to article: http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/editorial/06/16/the-curious-employment-of-former-members-of-the-guyana-police-force/
Global warming has nothing to do with present conservancy problems; it is neglect and poor maintenance of the infrastructure
Global warming has nothing to do with present conservancy problems; it is neglect and poor maintenance of the infrastructure
Posted By Stabroek staff On June 17, 2009 @ 5:04 am In Letters | 2 Comments
http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/letters/06/17/global-warming-has-nothing-to-do-with-present-conservancy-problems-it-is-neglect-and-poor-maintenance-of-the-infrastructure/
Dear Editor,
Reference is made to a letter in SN by Charles Sohan on the subject of the Ministry of Agriculture cherry-picking items from the proposed Conservancy Adaptation Works study for their Cunha project (‘The Ministry of Agriculture cannot cherry-pick elements from the Conservancy Adaptation Works project because it will not fulfuil the aim of reducing the country’s vulnerability to flooding,’ June 11).
Since 1990 to date numerous studies have been carried out by various foreign consultants in conjunction with local consultants on the EDWC, and despite the government spending vast sums of borrowed money, there is no end in sight for at least one of these consultants to come up with something concrete to end the drainage problems experienced over the years in the EDWC.
In 2004 the government against my advice spent over US$5.0M to raise the conservancy dam by 4 feet in order to increase storage capacity of the reservoir. This in my opinion precipitated the disastrous 2005 flood as the original dam built in 1879 was on a pegasse foundation and removing the vegetation and topsoil that holds the dam material together and then placing an additional load of nearly 500lbs per square foot weakened the strength of the dam appreciably.
Since then there were reports of more spending to raise other sections of the dam as well as carrying out all kinds of work related to strengthening of the EDWC.
I was also made to understand that the US$42M loan obtained by the government some 4 years ago to maintain the nine Declared Drainage and Irrigation Areas throughout the country was also spent on the conservancy. I am not sure if this is correct. The first tender for the D&I areas came in about US$6.0M above the engineer’s estimate, and after revising the quantum of work and re-tendering on 2 further occasions this vital work was abandoned, leaving the declared D&I areas not being maintained for over 30 years.
Now the government, against the advice of myself and other engineers, has decided to pursue the controversial Hope High Level Canal Project recommended by two foreign experts at a cost of some US$15M plus, and now also wants to resuscitate the Cunha drainage outlet which was abandon in the ’60s after Land of Canaan sluice was built.
One of the foreign experts would also be doing further studies to coincide with the Hope Canal outlet. In the DC dated 16.6.09 it was reported that foreign experts would be submitting an up-to-date report on their findings shortly.
In an earlier letter I suggested how the government should pursue this problem, but they are reticent to do so and keep listening to local and foreign experts’ advice who have had little or no experience in the construction, operation and maintenance of a low-level reservoir whose dam is built on a poor foundation material.
In 1966-67 there was a major breach in the conservancy dam at Flagstaff due to the inept drawdown of the reservoir. I was attached to the Hydraulics Division at the time and was responsible along with the Bookers staff on site for sealing the breach.
Some time after this the government received over US$350M in additional revenue due to the rocketing price of sugar on the world market. The government then decided to adopt the Jagan mantra of nationalization of the sugar industry; it had already nationalized the bauxite industry. The Water Commissioners employed by Bookers who were responsible for operating and maintaining the reservoir decided to keep a low profile awaiting nationalization.
Of course, we all know today the present state of these 2 industries and their impact on the nation’s economy. The EDWC has also suffered not being maintained for over 40 years.
Fixing the conservancy in my opinion will be a very costly exercise as well as a continuous drain on government’s limited resources in the years to come. Decommissioning the conservancy will be equally costly and may involve relocation of a section of the population.
A similar situation exists with the general drainage on the coastlands. It took the previous government only 12 years after independence to destroy the institution inherited from the British.
There is no longer a hydrographic section nor a properly functioning hydro-met section. These sections provided valuable information to hydraulic engineers to design engineering works. Today everything is based on guesswork, dig a drain here and there and move pumps around hoping to alleviate the flooding problem. There is also no functioning Hydraulics Division or a viable force account workers section that can respond to any emergency. The division also has been relegated to a few engineers dealing with the sea defences only. Even the sea defence map, which contained over 30 years of invaluable sea defence foreshore erosion data information was destroyed in 1987 when the Hydraulics Division was relocated to Durban Street. The map was left on the ground and rain fell and destroyed the map. I do not believe climate change or global warming has anything to do with the present conservancy problems as postulated recently by the President, just sheer neglect and poor maintenance of the entire infrastructure works including the sea defences over the years. The poor state of the infrastructure works was brought to the government’s attention when they came to power 17 years ago and instead of correcting the problems as promised, the infrastructure was allowed to deteriorate further to its present alarming rate.
Yours faithfully,
M. Alli
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URL to article: http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/letters/06/17/global-warming-has-nothing-to-do-with-present-conservancy-problems-it-is-neglect-and-poor-maintenance-of-the-infrastructure/
Posted By Stabroek staff On June 17, 2009 @ 5:04 am In Letters | 2 Comments
http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/letters/06/17/global-warming-has-nothing-to-do-with-present-conservancy-problems-it-is-neglect-and-poor-maintenance-of-the-infrastructure/
Dear Editor,
Reference is made to a letter in SN by Charles Sohan on the subject of the Ministry of Agriculture cherry-picking items from the proposed Conservancy Adaptation Works study for their Cunha project (‘The Ministry of Agriculture cannot cherry-pick elements from the Conservancy Adaptation Works project because it will not fulfuil the aim of reducing the country’s vulnerability to flooding,’ June 11).
Since 1990 to date numerous studies have been carried out by various foreign consultants in conjunction with local consultants on the EDWC, and despite the government spending vast sums of borrowed money, there is no end in sight for at least one of these consultants to come up with something concrete to end the drainage problems experienced over the years in the EDWC.
In 2004 the government against my advice spent over US$5.0M to raise the conservancy dam by 4 feet in order to increase storage capacity of the reservoir. This in my opinion precipitated the disastrous 2005 flood as the original dam built in 1879 was on a pegasse foundation and removing the vegetation and topsoil that holds the dam material together and then placing an additional load of nearly 500lbs per square foot weakened the strength of the dam appreciably.
Since then there were reports of more spending to raise other sections of the dam as well as carrying out all kinds of work related to strengthening of the EDWC.
I was also made to understand that the US$42M loan obtained by the government some 4 years ago to maintain the nine Declared Drainage and Irrigation Areas throughout the country was also spent on the conservancy. I am not sure if this is correct. The first tender for the D&I areas came in about US$6.0M above the engineer’s estimate, and after revising the quantum of work and re-tendering on 2 further occasions this vital work was abandoned, leaving the declared D&I areas not being maintained for over 30 years.
Now the government, against the advice of myself and other engineers, has decided to pursue the controversial Hope High Level Canal Project recommended by two foreign experts at a cost of some US$15M plus, and now also wants to resuscitate the Cunha drainage outlet which was abandon in the ’60s after Land of Canaan sluice was built.
One of the foreign experts would also be doing further studies to coincide with the Hope Canal outlet. In the DC dated 16.6.09 it was reported that foreign experts would be submitting an up-to-date report on their findings shortly.
In an earlier letter I suggested how the government should pursue this problem, but they are reticent to do so and keep listening to local and foreign experts’ advice who have had little or no experience in the construction, operation and maintenance of a low-level reservoir whose dam is built on a poor foundation material.
In 1966-67 there was a major breach in the conservancy dam at Flagstaff due to the inept drawdown of the reservoir. I was attached to the Hydraulics Division at the time and was responsible along with the Bookers staff on site for sealing the breach.
Some time after this the government received over US$350M in additional revenue due to the rocketing price of sugar on the world market. The government then decided to adopt the Jagan mantra of nationalization of the sugar industry; it had already nationalized the bauxite industry. The Water Commissioners employed by Bookers who were responsible for operating and maintaining the reservoir decided to keep a low profile awaiting nationalization.
Of course, we all know today the present state of these 2 industries and their impact on the nation’s economy. The EDWC has also suffered not being maintained for over 40 years.
Fixing the conservancy in my opinion will be a very costly exercise as well as a continuous drain on government’s limited resources in the years to come. Decommissioning the conservancy will be equally costly and may involve relocation of a section of the population.
A similar situation exists with the general drainage on the coastlands. It took the previous government only 12 years after independence to destroy the institution inherited from the British.
There is no longer a hydrographic section nor a properly functioning hydro-met section. These sections provided valuable information to hydraulic engineers to design engineering works. Today everything is based on guesswork, dig a drain here and there and move pumps around hoping to alleviate the flooding problem. There is also no functioning Hydraulics Division or a viable force account workers section that can respond to any emergency. The division also has been relegated to a few engineers dealing with the sea defences only. Even the sea defence map, which contained over 30 years of invaluable sea defence foreshore erosion data information was destroyed in 1987 when the Hydraulics Division was relocated to Durban Street. The map was left on the ground and rain fell and destroyed the map. I do not believe climate change or global warming has anything to do with the present conservancy problems as postulated recently by the President, just sheer neglect and poor maintenance of the entire infrastructure works including the sea defences over the years. The poor state of the infrastructure works was brought to the government’s attention when they came to power 17 years ago and instead of correcting the problems as promised, the infrastructure was allowed to deteriorate further to its present alarming rate.
Yours faithfully,
M. Alli
2 Comments (Open | Close)
URL to article: http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/letters/06/17/global-warming-has-nothing-to-do-with-present-conservancy-problems-it-is-neglect-and-poor-maintenance-of-the-infrastructure/
If a trainer for the spyware came here he would have left footprints
If a trainer for the spyware came here he would have left footprints
Posted By Stabroek staff On June 17, 2009 @ 5:05 am In Letters | 11 Comments
Dear Editor,
In a letter not long ago I questioned how it was that President Jagdeo knew so much about the opposing forces and so little or nothing about those on his side. I argued that it was not real. The President makes an unreasonable claim of unreasonable innocence. He claims that for seven years he had no idea of the forces fighting on his side. He had videos of the opposing gunmen, but none of those which were reported to be supporting the government. This is a level of detachment that passes all understanding.
For me, the first clue that the government had some knowledge of the spy software came from Dr Luncheon in 2003 after Roger Khan and two others were arrested at Good Hope, and the equipment was seized by soldiers. Call me ignorant, but at the time I had no idea who Mr Khan was. From the occupants in the vehicle at Good Hope I just knew that it was a government outfit. Luncheon was quick to remark that the police also had an instrument like the famed spy computer.
My mind, which some observers consider warped, at once read this message: ‘It was the government’s machine.’ That hunch might have been quite wrong. Mr Khan’s defence counsel visited Guyana on an ill-fated mission. Recently it was claimed that there was a twin of the famed instrument. The lawyer with or without Customs examination, had shipped the instrument to the USA. The other chance is that Dr Luncheon was indeed accurate and that two such machines had been acquired. A third possibility is that there were two different machines – one kept by Khan for recording and the other returned to the custody of the state.
How could Mr Khan’s lawyer be so sure that he had bagged that piece of spyware and the government be equally sure that the state had it in custody. True, Khan did not plead guilty in the 2002 case. The government has described the instrument as not illegal and we live by the (slogan) ‘Rule of Law.’ And why have we all allowed that impossible conflict to remain a mystery, like a jumbie story?
A good move for GINA would be for the President or his Man Roger (Luncheon) to issue a photo showing one of them operating the piece of legal spyware the “state” is keeping, while the other “looks on” – if Minister Rohee will allow it. At once the mind turns to that farce of the century, the ‘Phantom Commission’ and its terms of reference (reverence). Does it not seem now that state organs had valuable information that was withheld from the commission? For example, assuming that there was a trainer from the UK, did that trainer require a visa? Did the trainer enter and leave through the ‘Walter Rodney’ airport?
Since the commissioners found that the Minister crossed the lines with a criminal suspect and that there was no evidence to connect him with the Phantom, it seems right that the commission should be reconvened by the President to clear the state or that there should be a new commission to investigate what has recently come to light.
Unfortunately my first reading recently of the commission’s report shows that it was not a rigorous investigation. The evidence of a prominent journalist and of a citizen put together could have led somewhere if pursued. The likelihood of slippage in the entire investigation of the whole George Bacchus episode was posed in a forensic letter from the pen of a citizen appearing in Stabroek News on March 3, 2004.
There is now at least one outstanding allegation which should be verifiable. If a company agent in fact arrived in Guyana as alleged in New York to train one or more persons in the use of the spyware, that takes us somewhere; such a visitor would have left footprints.
Some have written that the PPP was founded by an honourable comrade and his honourable wife. This of course is a major overstatement and hardly a compliment to the Jagans. No, the PPP was really not founded by two persons; more of this in due course.
However, the PPP of the days of its foundation and its years of righteousness has long ceased to exist. Its moral quality fell rapidly with the winning of fame and office. Since the return of democracy, the PPP has become more and more corrupt and high-handed with each new resounding victory. This is not to throw holy water on its main rival. But as I have said, as one who was not idle in the fight against PNC corruption, it was small-time by comparison. The present PPP has made an institution of corruption. Whereas under the PNC regime corruption was a privilege of the most powerful leaders, we now have the corruption of the willing.
Too little attention has been paid to the dramatic circumstances of the death of Mr George Bacchus and to the circumstances in which he altered or withdrew his original testimony.
Stranger than strange too is the fact that both government and opposition each had some video with evidence against the other. My search shows that the government party continues to boast of its own videos and hold them secret, for political advantage, while the opposition handed its video over to the government authorities. And this one more before I reveal a thought reaching me from “the last leader standing” before he was shot. When contractors visit Robb Street to make donations, do they get a receipt?
Yours faithfully,
Eusi Kwayana
11 Comments (Open | Close)
#7 Comment By Andy On June 17, 2009 @ 12:58 pm
Eusi is so right!
I still want to know where are the local investigative reporters who should be highlighting the fact that hundreds of millions of dollars that were allocated to government ministries and institutions and not spent as expected were never returned to the original purse? Why? Where are these monies? What is going on with the public’s money?
I can only hope that foreign donors are paying attention to the widespread corruption in Guyana and not risk pumping US$580M a year into Guyana to avoid deforestation.
Article printed from Stabroek News: http://www.stabroeknews.com
URL to article: http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/letters/06/17/if-a-trainer-for-the-spyware-came-here-he-would-have-left-footprints/
Posted By Stabroek staff On June 17, 2009 @ 5:05 am In Letters | 11 Comments
Dear Editor,
In a letter not long ago I questioned how it was that President Jagdeo knew so much about the opposing forces and so little or nothing about those on his side. I argued that it was not real. The President makes an unreasonable claim of unreasonable innocence. He claims that for seven years he had no idea of the forces fighting on his side. He had videos of the opposing gunmen, but none of those which were reported to be supporting the government. This is a level of detachment that passes all understanding.
For me, the first clue that the government had some knowledge of the spy software came from Dr Luncheon in 2003 after Roger Khan and two others were arrested at Good Hope, and the equipment was seized by soldiers. Call me ignorant, but at the time I had no idea who Mr Khan was. From the occupants in the vehicle at Good Hope I just knew that it was a government outfit. Luncheon was quick to remark that the police also had an instrument like the famed spy computer.
My mind, which some observers consider warped, at once read this message: ‘It was the government’s machine.’ That hunch might have been quite wrong. Mr Khan’s defence counsel visited Guyana on an ill-fated mission. Recently it was claimed that there was a twin of the famed instrument. The lawyer with or without Customs examination, had shipped the instrument to the USA. The other chance is that Dr Luncheon was indeed accurate and that two such machines had been acquired. A third possibility is that there were two different machines – one kept by Khan for recording and the other returned to the custody of the state.
How could Mr Khan’s lawyer be so sure that he had bagged that piece of spyware and the government be equally sure that the state had it in custody. True, Khan did not plead guilty in the 2002 case. The government has described the instrument as not illegal and we live by the (slogan) ‘Rule of Law.’ And why have we all allowed that impossible conflict to remain a mystery, like a jumbie story?
A good move for GINA would be for the President or his Man Roger (Luncheon) to issue a photo showing one of them operating the piece of legal spyware the “state” is keeping, while the other “looks on” – if Minister Rohee will allow it. At once the mind turns to that farce of the century, the ‘Phantom Commission’ and its terms of reference (reverence). Does it not seem now that state organs had valuable information that was withheld from the commission? For example, assuming that there was a trainer from the UK, did that trainer require a visa? Did the trainer enter and leave through the ‘Walter Rodney’ airport?
Since the commissioners found that the Minister crossed the lines with a criminal suspect and that there was no evidence to connect him with the Phantom, it seems right that the commission should be reconvened by the President to clear the state or that there should be a new commission to investigate what has recently come to light.
Unfortunately my first reading recently of the commission’s report shows that it was not a rigorous investigation. The evidence of a prominent journalist and of a citizen put together could have led somewhere if pursued. The likelihood of slippage in the entire investigation of the whole George Bacchus episode was posed in a forensic letter from the pen of a citizen appearing in Stabroek News on March 3, 2004.
There is now at least one outstanding allegation which should be verifiable. If a company agent in fact arrived in Guyana as alleged in New York to train one or more persons in the use of the spyware, that takes us somewhere; such a visitor would have left footprints.
Some have written that the PPP was founded by an honourable comrade and his honourable wife. This of course is a major overstatement and hardly a compliment to the Jagans. No, the PPP was really not founded by two persons; more of this in due course.
However, the PPP of the days of its foundation and its years of righteousness has long ceased to exist. Its moral quality fell rapidly with the winning of fame and office. Since the return of democracy, the PPP has become more and more corrupt and high-handed with each new resounding victory. This is not to throw holy water on its main rival. But as I have said, as one who was not idle in the fight against PNC corruption, it was small-time by comparison. The present PPP has made an institution of corruption. Whereas under the PNC regime corruption was a privilege of the most powerful leaders, we now have the corruption of the willing.
Too little attention has been paid to the dramatic circumstances of the death of Mr George Bacchus and to the circumstances in which he altered or withdrew his original testimony.
Stranger than strange too is the fact that both government and opposition each had some video with evidence against the other. My search shows that the government party continues to boast of its own videos and hold them secret, for political advantage, while the opposition handed its video over to the government authorities. And this one more before I reveal a thought reaching me from “the last leader standing” before he was shot. When contractors visit Robb Street to make donations, do they get a receipt?
Yours faithfully,
Eusi Kwayana
11 Comments (Open | Close)
#7 Comment By Andy On June 17, 2009 @ 12:58 pm
Eusi is so right!
I still want to know where are the local investigative reporters who should be highlighting the fact that hundreds of millions of dollars that were allocated to government ministries and institutions and not spent as expected were never returned to the original purse? Why? Where are these monies? What is going on with the public’s money?
I can only hope that foreign donors are paying attention to the widespread corruption in Guyana and not risk pumping US$580M a year into Guyana to avoid deforestation.
Article printed from Stabroek News: http://www.stabroeknews.com
URL to article: http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/letters/06/17/if-a-trainer-for-the-spyware-came-here-he-would-have-left-footprints/
Guyana must vigorously prosecute trafficking in persons – US
Guyana must vigorously prosecute trafficking in persons – US
Posted By Stabroek staff On June 17, 2009 @ 5:32 am In Local News | 27 Comments
Guyana remains on the Tier 2 Watch List compiled by the US State Department in its Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report for 2009 and has been urged to vigorously prosecute offenders.
According to the report released yesterday, “Guyana is a source country for men, women and children trafficked for the purpose of commercial sexual exploitation and forced labour.” It said that “Guyanese trafficking victims have been identified within the country, as well as in Barbados, Brazil, Trinidad and Tobago and Suriname.” “The majority of victims are trafficked internally for sexual and labour exploitation in the more heavily populated coastal areas and in the remote areas of the
country’s interior.”
The report acknowledged that Amerindian teenagers and women in interior regions as forming the predominant group of persons that were trafficked.
The Guyana government has repeatedly denied that TIP is a major problem here.
Recommendations
The report urges that Guyana vigorously investigate and prosecute trafficking offences, and seek convictions and punishment of trafficking offenders. Further, it recommended a proactive measure of identifying trafficking victims among vulnerable populations such as women and children in prostitutions. It was also recommended that victims be protected throughout the process of criminal investigations and prosecutions assign more judges and court personnel to handle trafficking cases in the country’s interior regions, and expand anti-trafficking training for police and magistrates.
Prosecutions
The report noted that “the government had made negligible law-enforcement progress against human trafficking over the last year. It, however, noted the provisions of the Combating Trafficking of Persons Act of 2005. The report said that during the past year, trafficking investigations increased from six in 2007 to eight.
According to the document, “legal cases against alleged trafficking offenders usually did not progress through the trial phase, as charges against most suspects are dropped prior or during the prosecution.
Protection
“The Government of Guyana made significant efforts to assist victims during the reporting period”, the report said. Further, “while the government did not operate shelters for trafficking victims, but doubled its funding to an NGO that provided shelter, counseling and medical assistance to victims of domestic violence; the shelter was also accessible to victims of trafficking, though no trafficking victims sought assistance from the shelter in 2008.”
According to the report, “NGO’s working directly with trafficking victims report that although the government offers a number of useful services to victims, the system by which it provides these services does not function as effectively as it should.” While it was acknowledged in the report that the government of Guyana did several good initiatives to support victims, the report said that “the government did not support victim services outside the capital, and stated that the services remained “inadequate”.
The report noted “In 2008, magistrates continued to dismiss charges in trafficking cases, usually citing a lack of evidence or
failure of the witness to appear for testimony. In October 2008, a judge dismissed the charges against a woman
arrested in September 2006 for subjecting a 15-year old girl to commercial sexual exploitation, claiming
the police `had not done proper investigations’ in the intervening two years. Judicial proceedings are regularly
delayed by shortages of trained court personnel and magistrates, postponements, and the slowness of the
Guyanese police in preparing cases for trial.”
Prevention
The report acknowledged that the government did undertake some prevention efforts during the period in question. These efforts included “some educational and awareness-raising activities on trafficking.” The government trained 100 people designated as community “focal points” on identifying and reporting potential trafficking cases in eight administrative regions.
27 Comments (Open | Close)
URL to article: http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/news/local/06/17/guyana-must-vigorously-prosecute-trafficking-in-persons-us/
Posted By Stabroek staff On June 17, 2009 @ 5:32 am In Local News | 27 Comments
Guyana remains on the Tier 2 Watch List compiled by the US State Department in its Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report for 2009 and has been urged to vigorously prosecute offenders.
According to the report released yesterday, “Guyana is a source country for men, women and children trafficked for the purpose of commercial sexual exploitation and forced labour.” It said that “Guyanese trafficking victims have been identified within the country, as well as in Barbados, Brazil, Trinidad and Tobago and Suriname.” “The majority of victims are trafficked internally for sexual and labour exploitation in the more heavily populated coastal areas and in the remote areas of the
country’s interior.”
The report acknowledged that Amerindian teenagers and women in interior regions as forming the predominant group of persons that were trafficked.
The Guyana government has repeatedly denied that TIP is a major problem here.
Recommendations
The report urges that Guyana vigorously investigate and prosecute trafficking offences, and seek convictions and punishment of trafficking offenders. Further, it recommended a proactive measure of identifying trafficking victims among vulnerable populations such as women and children in prostitutions. It was also recommended that victims be protected throughout the process of criminal investigations and prosecutions assign more judges and court personnel to handle trafficking cases in the country’s interior regions, and expand anti-trafficking training for police and magistrates.
Prosecutions
The report noted that “the government had made negligible law-enforcement progress against human trafficking over the last year. It, however, noted the provisions of the Combating Trafficking of Persons Act of 2005. The report said that during the past year, trafficking investigations increased from six in 2007 to eight.
According to the document, “legal cases against alleged trafficking offenders usually did not progress through the trial phase, as charges against most suspects are dropped prior or during the prosecution.
Protection
“The Government of Guyana made significant efforts to assist victims during the reporting period”, the report said. Further, “while the government did not operate shelters for trafficking victims, but doubled its funding to an NGO that provided shelter, counseling and medical assistance to victims of domestic violence; the shelter was also accessible to victims of trafficking, though no trafficking victims sought assistance from the shelter in 2008.”
According to the report, “NGO’s working directly with trafficking victims report that although the government offers a number of useful services to victims, the system by which it provides these services does not function as effectively as it should.” While it was acknowledged in the report that the government of Guyana did several good initiatives to support victims, the report said that “the government did not support victim services outside the capital, and stated that the services remained “inadequate”.
The report noted “In 2008, magistrates continued to dismiss charges in trafficking cases, usually citing a lack of evidence or
failure of the witness to appear for testimony. In October 2008, a judge dismissed the charges against a woman
arrested in September 2006 for subjecting a 15-year old girl to commercial sexual exploitation, claiming
the police `had not done proper investigations’ in the intervening two years. Judicial proceedings are regularly
delayed by shortages of trained court personnel and magistrates, postponements, and the slowness of the
Guyanese police in preparing cases for trial.”
Prevention
The report acknowledged that the government did undertake some prevention efforts during the period in question. These efforts included “some educational and awareness-raising activities on trafficking.” The government trained 100 people designated as community “focal points” on identifying and reporting potential trafficking cases in eight administrative regions.
27 Comments (Open | Close)
URL to article: http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/news/local/06/17/guyana-must-vigorously-prosecute-trafficking-in-persons-us/
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